A downloadable PDF format version of the letter

vva ula _letter to the president (pdf)


For the attention of the Honorable President Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa

Mr. President, I address this letter to you with the intention of bringing pressing matters to your attention.

Firstly, repeated utterances, within and without your government, make it plain that there is a significant and very real risk of civil war against the various minority groups in South Africa at the hands of “our people”, as you describe those who are of pure black tribal descent. 

Let us be very clear about who the members of those “minority groups” are. They number in the millions and are not just whites but people of different ethno-cultural heritages – deriving from the West, the East and Africa itself – who have called this country home for up to 350 years, and share a common westernised culture while retaining their own cultural identities.

After the 1994 general election which brought your African National Congress to power, the minority groups looked forward to forging a golden future for themselves and all other South Africans, regardless of race, creed or culture. But this has not happened. In the eyes of “your people”, the members of minority groups are regarded merely as “settlers”, destined by law to be permanent second-class citizens.

Secondly, for almost a quarter-century there has been no sign of any willingness on your government’s part to seek a permanent and equitable solution to the problem of accommodating the minority groups in a manner consonant with the articles of the Constitution that demand equality for all. 

As a result, a number of interested minority groups have formulated a workable solution which would solve this anomalous and in fact very dangerous situation.  In this document we shall present it to you – not as a request but as a demand, because it is firmly within the civil rights laid down in the constitution, the supreme law of the country.

Problem Statement

Mr President, be assured that as responsible law-abiding citizens we do so reluctantly. But we do so because after 24 years of uncertainty (and latterly increasing concern for our safety) we have come to the conclusion that the ANC government has no intention of acknowledging, protecting or treating the people of the minority groups as equal citizens in a country where the black tribal descendants use their parliamentary majority against a large body of law-abiding and productive South Africans for no other reason than that they are not “African” enough.

It is ironic but true that your government introduced no less than 114 apartheid laws that are simply being applied in reverse, this time against the minority groups. Your government apparently does not realise that a wrong cannot be righted by imposing another wrong. 

As a well-read man, we are sure that you are acquainted with the dictum of the renowned philosopher, Friedrich Nietzsche:  “Beware that, when fighting monsters, you yourself do not become a monster... for when you gaze long into the abyss, the abyss gazes also into you.”

There is no doubt that South Africa is currently in a very bad state. There is widespread lawlessness, the absence of effective rule of law in many areas, property is being attacked, burnt and destroyed, the once-vigorous economy is flagging. Things have got so bad that your Minister of Police has admitted in Parliament that on average fifty-seven people are murdered in South Africa every day

At the same time our social benefits system – which already supports no less than 17 million people, most of them unemployed - is staggering under the weight of literally millions of uncontrolled illegal immigrants and so-called asylum seekers who have been allowed to flood across our uncontrolled borders. Add to that the flood of unsuppressed hate speech by various black leaders and finally your enthusiastic backing of the intention to expropriate land and other property without any compensation. 

To be brutally frank, Mr President, all these things are a result of your party’s mismanagement. Yet there is no honest introspection on your part which might reverse the noxious flow. You and your party find it easier to blame everything either on the long-dead apartheid system, an excuse that is growing very thin after a quarter-century, or on the minorities, especially but not only the whites. 

So it would seem clear that at bottom the only role South Africa’s millions of minority group members are destined to play in the foreseeable future is that of one-size-fits-all scapegoats for whatever is wrong with the country. 

Is it any wonder that the minorities, who have contributed and still contribute so much to South Africa – including almost all of the taxes on which your government depends – have come to the conclusion that we are unwanted, will not be tolerated and will lose our human rights, dignity and freedom and in already thousands of cases, their lives.

The situation in South Africa does not support the universal values of the United Nations of which South Africa is a member, namely Peace, Justice, Human Dignity, Tolerance and Solidarity. If anything, South Africa today undermines these values.

In terms of International Law, we have tried since 2011 to negotiate with the Presidency and have been consistently ignored. The latest of a long string of official letters to the Presidency was delivered by the Sheriff of the Court of Pretoria, on 15 December 2017; to date it has not even been acknowledged, and has finally proved to ourselves and our sympathisers in the International Community that all of the internal remedies have been exhausted as required by international lawfor partition and secession.


 The purpose of this letter therefore, Mr President, is not to negotiate, but to demand in terms of the signed Accord of 23 April 1994, Articles 231 and 235 of the South African Constitution, Article 20 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, and your signed International Agreements on 3 October 1994, as well as the 10 December 1998 Article 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to call out a referendum on the question of secession in designated areas where the majority of the population are minorities. If the vote is an overwhelmingly positive one, as we believe it will be, then your government will be bound by law to set the process in motion.

Minority Groups

Mr. President, in the interests of total clarity, let us make it clear what we mean by designated areas. The South Africa of today is in fact the very antithesis of the much-heralded  “rainbow nation” that was supposed to arise after 1994. Virtually its entire voter support base consists of descendants of various black tribes who gradually moved southwards from the Congo River basin of Central Africa somewhere around the Third or Fifth Centuries AD, wiping out or displacing weaker tribes that stood in their way. 

By the 17th Century, when the accurate recorded history of Southern Africa really began, they had progressed as far as the Great Fish River, which runs southwards to the Indian Ocean and divides modern-day South Africa into approximate halves. None of the black tribes ever established themselves west of the Fish River, then or later.

The area west of the Fish River was and is populated by people from many different origins, both near and far: 

  1. The earliest inhabitants of Southern Africa were the scattering of aboriginal clans known variously as the Khoi, the San, the Namma and the Griqua, among other names;
  2. The people known variously as Khoikhoi, Khoina, Koekoen, Hottentots and various other names, arrived here from the southern interior about two millennia ago and wrested control of the land from the San or Bushmen;
  3. Slaves and indentured labourers arrived here between the 17th and early 19th Centuries, mainly from the Far East (today’s Indonesia and India);
  4. Free artisans from the East and also Western Europe, who arrived in the 17th, 18th and 19th Centuries; and
  5. European immigrants who made their home here from the mid-17th Century onwards.

They were not temporary sojourners. They cast aside their allegiance to their birth-countries and became the loyal children of Africa. They were something unique in Africa, however – a virtual new nation, bound together by ties of blood, culture and common endeavour. They devised their own language, Afrikaans, which is by far the majority language west of the Fish River (the main but much smaller second language being English) and forged a totally Westernised society which is very different from the “king can do no wrong” traditional tribal culture with its emphasis on naked power. 

Their standards of education are so high that the Western Cape Province’s schools are crammed with children who are virtually ‘refugees’ from the dysfunctional state schools in other provinces. The unemployment rate is lower than anywhere else in South Africa. Their health-care systems are functioning properly, and there are almost no potholes in the roads. They still have serious societal problems, but these are being systematically overcome. In a nutshell, the minorities are doing well in an otherwise seriously dysfunctional larger state.

But in your enthusiastic endorsement of the economically crippling policy of property (not just land but all property), you have made it very clear that they are excluded from “your people”, even though “your people” have no historical claim to any of the land west of the Great Fish River. 

In an attempt to isolate the whites from all other groups you have officially classed them as “settlers”, even though the majority have lived in South Africa for 300 years or more, so that various blacks are encouraged to launch constant calls of “go back to Europe”. 

Somehow it seems to have been forgotten that if the whites are “settlers” (translation from ANC-speak: “second-class citizens”), so are all the other minorities, not only the coloureds, with whom they share both blood, culture and language, but also substantially sized other minorities such as Muslims, Jews and Asians. Yet they, too, have deep roots in this country that go back hundreds of years. 

In the 1990s the ANC, as part of its effort to isolate whites for scapegoating purposes, declared that all other groups (including the Chinese community) were “black”. It soon transpired, however, that this was meaningless, since all the “light blacks” were still subject to the inequities and iniquities of the rigid racial classification system you have taken over unchanged from apartheid.

Black Empowerment

Mr. President, you have sold Black Economic Empowerment as “affirmative action” to address the wrongs of the past.  Inevitably this has played into the hands of those who now readily accept the concepts of “collective punishment”, “generational guilt” and “racial guilt”, even though they undermine the basic principles of individual human rights and responsibilities that form the foundation of the agreements with minority groups, the South African Constitution, the United Nation Universal Values, and the norms of all civilised societies and democracies.

Your affirmative action programme operates in favor of the majority who have complete political control – South Africa is the only country in the world where affirmative action is used againstinstead of in favour of minorities. The fact that your government requires affirmative action to protect them against minorities is a testament to a complete failure on your government’s part to enable “your people” to build their own wealth-generating structures and futures. 

Part of that failure results from what has become known as “state capture”, meaning basically the hollowing out of the checks and balances so carefully built into the Constitution to prevent undue party political interference in the legitimate processes of governance. 

The actual result of state capture has been that instead of a redistribution of resources – however unfair the means of doing so might be – has resulted in corruption and crime on such a breath-taking scale that the entire economy has suffered grave long-term damage, with the alleged beneficiaries, namely the poor, receiving nothing. The only people who have benefitted have been members of the government and a small ANC-connected elite. 

Shame on you, if your only solution is to confiscate the hard-earned resources of the minorities, taxpayers and economically active South Africans. And shame on you for depriving millions of desperately poor South Africans, almost all members of “your people” but including all races and cultures, in whose name this outright theft of property has taken and is taking place.

Frankly, your approach is:

  1. Deeply racist, because you discriminate on the basis of skin colour alone, thereby punishing individuals for wrongs they did not commit; after all, no-one chooses the race, creed or tribe into which he or she is born.
  2. Condescending, counter-productive and demeaning to those it is ostensibly trying to help.
  3. Creating and has created a class of super-wealthy thieves, whose members have never produced anything of value, but has amassed, and is still amassing, wealth by the simple expedient of stealing assets from people and organisations that are not “black” enough.

Mr President, you and your government supposedly set out to destroy apartheid and transform South Africa, but instead you have destroyed South Africa and transformed apartheid into a more modern version of itself. It undermines everything the nation agreed on and embraced in 1994 to achieve a real “New South Africa”, and clearly demonstrates that you do not have the wellbeing of a unified non-racial South Africa in mind. 

To demonstrate the racist architecture of the New South Africa under the ANC rule:

It is common cause that 17 race-based laws and regulations formed the cornerstone of apartheid(2).  But the African National Congress chose to keep the National Key Points Act and the Protection of Information Act, meaning that they were not seen as apartheid laws.  This means that only 15 laws and regulations formed the cornerstone of the apartheid system.

In contrast to Apartheid’s 15 laws, you and your government have successfully transformed yourselves into the most successful race-hustling syndicate on planet Earth.  With 114 race-based laws and regulations(3) authored and/or implemented by your regime, you have dwarfed the measures taken by the apartheid regime.

“Racism is not dead, it is on life support, kept alive by politicians, race-hustlers and people who get a sense of superiority by denouncing others as racist.”  – Thomas Sowell

The so-called Black Economic Empowerment laws only favour the black majority. But rather than redistributing wealth to poor South Africans, as was supposedly their purpose, they have forced companies to give up ownership or control to a group of government-connected elites. This includes you and your family, Mr. President: It is common knowledge that as a businessman, you mostly amassed your fortune in the 2000s, when these laws were passed(4).

Moreover, you and your government’s racially-based laws, disguised as initiatives to implement affirmative action and black economic empowerment, completely ignore regional demographics. These laws effectively exclude those who are not “black African” and exclude minority groups from educational opportunities, doing business with the government, working for the government, or even owning or working for larger companies. 

In some cases, “coloured” people have been retrenched in large numbers, for example in the case of Western Cape prison wardens, to make way for “black Africans” – even though coloured people have made up the demographic majority in the province of the Western Cape for centuries.

It is only in the last 20 years or so that statistically significant numbers of blacks have arrived in the province – from all the black-ruled provinces in the country - encouraged and assisted to do so by the ANC for purely political reasons, in an attempt to overwhelm the opposition-led provincial government at the polls. This is not to mention hundreds of thousands, if not millionsof blacks from other African countries who might or might not have residence permission.(5)

This is fundamentally unfair and morally repugnant, since the minority group people who are being discriminated against are in fact the majority in the very region where they are discriminated against based on their colour.

Moreover, your racist policies have placed many unskilled and therefore incompetent people in important positions who are not only an embarrassment to any South African citizen, but have also set the country up for failure. (6) (7)

Deliberately changing the demographics in the Cape

In a concerted politically motivated effort to change the demographics in the western half of the country, your government is actively allowing aliens, mostly illegal migrants from other African countries, and others admitted under false pretenses as alleged asylum- seekers (many have been here for 14 years or more) into the Cape region. 

The number of such illegals is staggering. Conservative estimates place the figures at well above 18 million. It is a crisis that makes the European situation pale in comparison, and by rights should long ago have resulted in urgent appeals to the United Nations and international humanitarian organizations for help, support and advice. Yet this has not happened. 

As noted above, this irresponsible strategy has nothing to do with humanitarian reasons. The main purpose is blatantly political. So these uncounted hundreds of thousands of intruders are helped to flood into the Western Cape, sustained out of the hard-pressed social welfare budget and provided with free housing – often at the expense of needy members of the long-established Western Cape community who have spent many years on waiting lists.

It has been an extremely effective strategy in another way. It seems to have been designed to destroy families and flood neighborhoods with an avalanche of illegal drugs, enslaving our youth, woman and children in prostitution rings, and pushing minority groups out of their long-standing residential areas. There is a deliberate government strategy which allows them to take illegal possession of land for squatter camps – land belonging either to the province or private owners, and earmarked for orderly economic or residential development.

And in the meantime, corrupt government officials allow new hordes of unskilled and undocumented foreigners to flood into South Africa at the expense of its citizens. Apart from anything else, this has led to violent periodical outbreaks of xenophobic murder and looting in black residential areas. 

Various human rights and other similar organizations have repeatedly protested strongly about the xenophobic violence; protests supported by the very government that orchestrates the problem by allowing the uncontrolled and unabated stream of people from all over Africa, Asia and other countries to come to South Africa and add their weight to the country’s over-burdened social welfare resources. 

Uncounted hundreds of thousands of these illegal migrants carry false passports and/or South African identity cards which are available at a price from corrupt national government officials. Not only does this affect the country’s administration, but some holders of false papers then travel on to other countries, where they commit crimes or overstay their visa limits, sometimes for years. This has led various countries to clamp down – understandably - on the freedom of movement of bona fide South Africans citizens going about their legitimate affairs abroad.

No doubt the ANC government could claim that this state of affairs is beyond its control, but the fact is that controlling the national borders and regulating the administration of aliens is primarily government functions. Not to do so is a sign of huge irresponsibility that indicates that the government applies a politically motivated strategy that does not hold the security and rights of its own citizens closest to their hearts.

Racial Polarisation(8)

The ANC government has driven a national discourse that condemns specifically the Afrikaners’ failure to “integrate” into “your people’s” African culture, which is alien to us, as it is to the other minorities, and that portrays us as the obstacle to peace and prosperity in South Africa. Afrikaners are routinely typified as “racists”, defamed as “land thieves” (without any specifics ever being provided), and directly blamed for the failing economy and lack of service delivery that are the result of your regime’s racism, incompetence and corruption.

These ideas/misperceptions have now become so thoroughly ensconced in the national psyche that the constitutional rights of the Afrikaners and other minorities are tacitly considered secondary and are, as a matter of course, ignored if not directly threatened by a lack of adequate security, schooling, human rights protection and health care in our communities.

This is not to mention pending policies that threaten our fundamental property rights, race-based barriers for entry into economic, education and cultural activities, forced removals through ostensibly “legal”(read illegal) means, hate speech, the systematic destruction of our language, heritage and culture by “your people”, and incitements to genocide by sitting members of parliament.  Where minority groups have taken constitutional rights violations to court and won, rulings have simply been ignored – a telling demonstration of the willingness to ignore  the compliance of  the Rule of Law.

Mr. President, your political allies, the Marxism-spouting Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), have openly and repeatedly displayed their hatred for minority groups. Among their many inflammatory statements, their leader Julius Malema, has proclaimed that his party was “not calling for the slaughter of white people – at least not for now”.(9)   

On other occasions he made vicious remarks about South Africa’s Indian community, and on 20 November 2018, in a speech outside Parliament, called Minister of  Public Enterprises Pravin Gordhan, an Indian, “a dog of white monopoly capital”, and claimed that Gordhan ”hates Africans … He doesn’t like Africans. Any African who speaks back to Pravin, Pravin threatens those people.”

Then on 8 December 2018 an even more alarming threat was made by another racist rabble-rouser, Andile Mngxitama, to a Black First Land First rally at Ikageng Stadium, Potchefstroom. Mngxitama falsely accused Johann Rupert, one of the country’s leading business men, of being involved in the (overwhelmingly black-owned) South African minibus taxi industry, which is racked by on-going violence between taxi company bosses competing for profitable routes. The following is a verbatim report on what he said:

“If we are not ready to die, if we are not ready to die, our children will be slaves like we are slaves. I don’t want your votes I want your commitment, to stand with me, to confront the enemy. Let me tell you something, when you join our movement Black First Land First, one of you is equal to a hundred of those who don’t understand what we are fighting for. We mean it when we say, ‘Land or death!’ We mean it when we say, ‘Land or death!’ We are prepared to kill for our land, as much as we are prepared to die for our land. We mean it!

“Comrades I just want to make it very clear, that Johann Rupert has declared war on us black people …. Johann Rupert says he has control over the taxi industry bosses. We know what that means. Taxi industry bosses are people who are involved in killing other people. Johann Rupert says that if we touch him he is going to unleash on us the taxi industry people. 

“Now here’s a message to Johann Rupert… Pay the taxi industry bosses. It is okay. But here is the deal. For each one person that is killed by the taxi industry we will kill five white people. For every one black person we will kill five white people. You kill one of us we will kill five of you! You kill one of us we will kill five of you! Kill one of us, kill five of you! You kill one of us, we’ll kill five white people. We will kill the children! We will kill the women! We will kill anything that we find on our way!

“Let them come kill us, no problem. Every time they come kill us we are not going to kill a taxi industry boss, we are going to kill how many of them?”

Crowd shouts: “Five!”

“They kill one of us, we kill how many?”


“They kill one of us, we kill how many?”


“They kill one of us, we kill how many whites?”


“We kill their children, we kill their women, we kill their dogs, we kill their cats, we kill anything that comes before us!”

We are frankly baffled by your dismissive stance on outbursts like this. As head of state you are expected to look to the interests of the entire nation. Yet instead of condemning Malema’s repellant racist tirades, you have invited him to re-join the ANC, effectively aligning the ruling party with the policies of the EFF and condoning his blatant racism.

And in an interview on CNN on 21 November 2018 Mr. President, you flatly denied that  there was any sort of racial war talk in South Africa. Your exact words were:

“Those people overseas that are taken in by this message of whites in South Africa being under threat, they are looking at South Africa through the lens of black versus white. And South Africa has long moved away from that. In the main, most of them are racists. And they are not very positively disposed toward black people. Their voice, a seemingly prominent voice, is because they are talking on race issues and saying there is a racial war. There is no racial war in South Africa. White South Africans are working with us to resolve this [land] issue.”

You will agree, Mr President, that it is not correct to say that “white South Africans are working with us to resolve this [land] issue”, that a variety of organisations, representing anyone from farmers’ associations to political parties, I/NGOs and financial bodies, are actively working against your government’s scheme to confiscate property without compensation, mainly to obscure the fact that the constitutionally blessed land-reform machinery has been run into the ground by corruption, mismanagement and inadequate funding.

All this, one might add, in spite of the fact that in January 2019 the United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres stated: “There can never be room for hate speech, intolerance or xenophobia. We (the UN) will fight it anytime, anywhere.”

Is it not therefore the case that the South African government, by its unwillingness to crack down on the likes of Malema and others of his ilk, is actually encouraging such behaviour, which is so blatantly in contravention of the fundamental principles of the UN, of which it was one of the founding members?

Perhaps it has not come to your notice that Dr. Gregory Stanton of the respected Genocide Watch International organisation has characterised the white people of South Africa as an “at-risk community”, in other words a group of people in danger of becoming the victims of outright genocide. This, of course, is actually true for all minority groups. For a country whose inhabitants have frequently fought in the past but have never deliberately set out to exterminate one another, this is a dismaying and deeply ominous indictment.

The question of a future genocide – here or elsewhere - is a matter that has aroused deep concern abroad. No doubt you are aware that on 14 January 2019 President Donald Trump signed into law the Elie Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Act (Act S.1158) – sponsored and supported by both sides of the United States parliament – which establishes a “Mass Atrocities Task Force” aimed at preventing atrocities from happening and responding to such crimes if they do. 

Officials from various USA government agencies will work with civil rights and other non-governmental organisations, and the USA’s Director of National Intelligence is to report regularly to the House of Representatives and Senate on, among other things, “most likely pathways to violence, specific risk factors, potential perpetrators and at-risk target groups”. The key-words here are “at-risk target groups”, very nearly the exact same term Genocide Watch International has used in respect of the minority groups of South Africa.

Failure to ensure the safety of South Africans

The frequent public (and unpunished) calls for genocide like “kill the boer” or “one settler, one bullet” may be mostly for political reasons, but they have and have had a direct consequence, as can clearly be seen from the high rates of murder, rape, and torture in our communities (mostly at the hands of black people) and growing poverty levels among minority groups - but not exclusively only minority groups.  

This should be seen against the sustained campaign of murder, rape and torture over the last 20 years of a very large number South Africans, of which the white farmers can be defined as a specific target group as well as ‘coloured’ people in the Cape Flats. While violent crime is rampant in all sectors of South African society, so that it has become one of the most violent countries on the planet, with more than 20,000  murders each year, a white farmer is more than four times as likely to be murdered as the average South African. (11) Farming is one of the most dangerous professions in the world, and twice as dangerous as being a South African policeman. Equally so very large numbers of the coloured community are killed on a daily basis in communities now overrun by local and foreign migrants mainly of Black decent.

The number of people killed for political and other criminal reasons in South Africa are competing very well with armed conflict countries such as Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia, DR Congo, South Sudan and Syria. In fact it is in many cases higher than in these countries! It is the result of a deliberate destabilising political strategy, as stability cannot be achieved with such high levels of crime and conflict. 

Since the UN has deployed peace keeping forces or special missions in all these countries, and based on the UN’s latest conservatively estimated  assessment, that reflects that South Africa has extreme risk levels for crime and civil unrest, one wonders why the South African people have been denied these peace / preventative deployments / services from the United Nations? This is a matter which should be discussed with the UN to prevent another genocide of which they have early warning for some time to date and with the USA in terms of the Elie Wiesel Genocide Law.

Moreover, why does the South African government deliberately under-source the national intelligence, police, crime prevention and other security services, notably (but not restricted only to) those areas inhabited by minority groups. On the contrary, one observes that as mentioned earlier, the government deliberately contributes to the destabilisation of these areas.

In 2003 your government deliberately disbanded the Commando Force, a multi-racial gendarmerie-type system that had effectively protected rural multi-cultural communities for centuries, and supposedly replaced it with allegedly specialised units of an already over-burdened police service. In practice it simply meant that the rural police now were landed with an extra burden, which have been proved they cannot handle. 

The ANC knew full well that the disbanding of the rural commandos would leave all farmers, farm workers and small rural towns (mainly inhabited with minority groups) defenceless and easy targets for criminals; it also left South Africa with porous border areas, the result of which has been the uncontrolled flow of illegals of all types described above. 

The military force currently deployed along the borderline deployed is inefficient for a number of reasons, one being that one of the most effective border monitoring systems, the Commando Force, was dismantled by the government for political reasons rather than in the interest of South African citizens. Yet the ANC government is on record as repeatedly denying the significance of farm killings and torture, but has failed to explain how the perpetrators of these heinous crimes often go free even when caught on camera with highly specialised military equipment which is only available to your armed forces. 

Moreover, a number of fragile areas in South Africa, notably some inhabited by minority groups, suffer from the same consequences, compounded by the fact that the government-sponsored influx from other demographic areas, as discussed earlier, is on the increase. This can only politically inflate insecurity.

Instead of taking responsibility for your government’s policies, your officials blame the high rates of murder on out-of-control crime – a tacit admission that the South African Police Service is not doing its job and either does not have the necessary capacity or is completely incompetent when it comes to ensuring the safety of citizens in general. 

This is another outcome of the government’s racist policy that has driven hundreds of thousands of experienced and effective police (and military) members of primarily minority groups out of the two systems for purely political reasons. It is fair to say that at the present level of competence the police and the deteriorating military capacity would not be able, even over three decades, to prevent and protect South Africans against crime that is fueled by bad government policies.

Police brutality

Mr. President, your police force has been transformed from the protector you inherited from the previous regime (which admittedly was misused at times) to the status of predator.  Your administration’s tolerance of police involvement in organised crime, gang activity and human trafficking is astounding.  

Woe to those who are “not black enough” who find themselves in police custody.  If you are a woman, chances are good that the policemen will either assault or gang-rape you; if you are a man, those very officers find it extremely entertaining to watch while you are gang-raped in a cell full of hardened criminals and thereby “put in your place.”

Disarming minority groups

Mr. President, by your administration’s own admission your police force is unable, unwilling and completely incompetent at its task of protecting the citizens of South Africa.  South Africans are not only prisoners in their own homes but also effectively deprived of a human right, namely freedom of movement. Therefore, you have left us no choice but to take responsibility (at a great non tax-deductible cost) for our own safety to protect our property, our business properties, our transport, our lives and our families.  

Your government has responded not by improved and effective policing (as it should have) but rather by more gun control and the futile re-deployment of the same under-resourced and badly equipped law-enforcement elements. 

There is a strange and inexplicable anomaly in your approach to the crime problem. It is a fact that very few crimes are committed with legally owned weapons, whose owners are bound by stringent and sensible laws and regulations about use and safe storage. Almost all the weapons used in armed crimes are unregistered and illegally possessed – some stolen during home invasions but most others smuggled in from surrounding countries, or stolen from military or police armouries or storage, or have somehow migrated from police custody to the underworld of crime and political assassination. 

This might be due mainly to corruption and mismanagement, but not the ANC government’s latest crime-fighting plan, namely to ban the licensing of personal defence weapons, a tactic that can only favor criminals. It is a deliberate policy decision that will further destabilise and undermine the basic human right to protect one’s life and property – the citizen’s right to life that is enshrined in the Constitution. It does not take a genius to see that your government is desperately trying to disarm minority groups and other law-abiding citizens to support your political agenda.(12)To what purpose? That question remains unanswered. 

Impairing free speech and selective prosecution

South Africans are huge proponents of free speech because it promotes liberty, innovation and free thinking. It should never be policed by the government, even if it offends; even idiots should have the right to express their opinions, even if thereby they only make themselves a laughing-stock. Or make others angry: as the famed author  Salman Rushdie once said:  “What is  freedom of expression? Without the freedom to offend, it ceases to exist”. 

But members of your government, and sometimes officials of the police and defense force, as well your proxies of the EFF and Black First Land First, regularly expose their true nature and intentions by their unacceptable outbursts, without any action by your government being taken against them, not even denunciations of their hate speech and blatant calls for the murder of minority groups.   

The government’s purpose has become clear, the hate speech and calls for murder by thugs such as the EFF and BLF suits the ANC’s political agenda, which is to allow and enable the terrorist behavior and criminal actions of entities such as the EFF and BLF to incite racial hatred, arm themselves, form military militias, illegally wear official military and police uniforms (in the latest case by members of the EFF on 20 January 2019 in Cape Town) without any intent by the authorities to apply the law. 

It can only be seen as another deliberate attempt by the government to encourage a lawless state which would enable them to implement their political agendas against the interest of the citizens of this country and particularly  specific minority groups. 

Moreover, when any member of the minority groups is silly enough to utter any racially tinged remark or word, the retaliation is instant and the punishment completely out of proportion to the offence: years-long jail sentences for offences under the crimen injuria legislation which in previous times would have resulted at worst in a heavy fine.

But when, on 8 December 2018, the leader of the BLF openly declared war on white people in South Africa, your government’s response was (and remains) a deafening silence.(13)

It provides further proof that the government has a definitive strategy to allow the development of home-grown terror proxy forces to undermine law and order, terrorise minority groups and other citizens who abide by the law, and attack those who speak out against abuses of human rights and other such misdeeds by both the government and its proxies and surrogates. These all contribute to instability in South Africa. 

State Capture

Mr. President, as Vice-President and Chief Operating Officer of South Africa, you have presided over all the corrupt activities of your predecessor and have indebted our grandchildren to the ANC’s long-time business partners, among others the Gupta brothers and some home-grown “business men” now under investigation (14) . The ANC allowed the first black-owned bank to degenerate into a vast cauldron of corruption, fraud, theft and money-laundering, the only excuse being that you were not aware of this wholesale robbery. 

Your government has not only cheapened South African citizenship by selling it to the Guptas but insulted the citizens of South Africa by allowing the guests of these aliens to use a military base for VIP airport services that did not even involve checking their passports.

As if that were not bad enough, you and your government have since upgraded from the Guptas to China.  Your government has allowed South Africa to fall into the notorious Chinese debt trap.(15)(16) In July 2018 Mr. President, you announced Chinese investments totalling $14.7 billion, mostly in the form of loans to the bankrupt state-owned electrical utility company (Eskom) and transport company (Transnet).(17)Since then you have secured a significant share of a further $60 billion being pledged by president Xi. 

Unconfirmed reports have also stated that most of the first farms that have been earmarked for expropriation are near mineral-rich deposits,(18) and it has been confirmed that the first target farm is situated on a large coal deposit that has attracted Chinese interest.(19)

It therefore appears that your land expropriation scheme and China’s ambitions are directly linked and that this meets with your approval. Your government’s cynical racism has no bounds, since it has conveniently classified these aliens as “black”, so that you are able to disguise the Chinese de facto colonisation as “black empowerment”.(20)

Expropriation without Compensation

As a co-architect of the supposedly “new South Africa”, you have created an “ineptocracy”, a system of government in which the least capable of leading are elected by the least capable of producing, and where the members of society least likely to sustain themselves or succeed are rewarded with goods and services paid for by the confiscated wealth of a diminishing number of producers. The end-results of this approach are inevitable – one of which is that it causes instability in South Africa and its immediate surrounding region, and by so doing undermines South Africa’s economic power and the future of all its children.

How can we have any hopes of prospering under such a regime? The Bible remarks, quite rightly: “A little sleep, a little slumber, a little folding of the hands to sleep, and thy poverty shall come as one who travelled, and thy want as an armed man”. Why is the ANC government sleeping while the traveler and his armed companion are knocking unheard at the nation’s door?

The policy of expropriation without compensation(21) has been introduced to address the long-standing programme of voluntary land redistribution, which was supported by farmers but has failed because of widespread corruption and mismanagement by the ANC government. 

More than R50 billion (US$ 3,8 billion) has been spent on buying farms through this programme, but virtually all the farms bought ceased commercial production within a few years because of bad planning, sheer incompetence and a lack of follow-through support. 

This led to a huge burden on the agricultural system which seemingly does not bother the government, since it continues to encourage the further demolition of the economy by the expropriating land for political gain and taking on foreign debt that will eventually allow the creditors to possess South Africa’s wealth and key infrastructure at the expense of its citizens. The ones destined to lose the most will be the masses of poor people, and the increasingly undermined and marginalised minority groups. 

The ANC policy of expropriation without compensation threatens not only the rights and livelihood of minority groups but will lead to the collapse of the country. Similar policies have had disastrous effects in several countries, including Zimbabwe and Venezuela. Given the recent failure of the Zimbabwean government’s land reform programme, and the possibly irrevocable collapse of its economy, there is no reason to believe that the consequences would not be as disastrous in South Africa.  Our people are therefore facing an existential threat which they have no political power to resist.(22)

Mr. President, by deciding to change the Constitution to legally steal the assets of targeted minority groups (and in fact that of all South Africans), you and your government have taken your hostility against minority groups to a new level. Minority groups have the moral high ground here, because we seek no more than to protect the fruits of our labour and our families.  

However, your racist attitude towards our people is blinding you, and you are steering South Africa towards a civil war (in fact Kwazulu-Natal is already engaged in a low-level black-on-black political civil war), and the over-burdened Cape Flats district of the Western Cape is a “fragile area” by UN definition.

Neither of these government-engineered crises appear to have any prospect of being resolved, and hence there is a high likelihood that they will spill over into many more areas; and it is a certainty that in the current hate-filled atmosphere the minority groups will certainly (and other South Africans most likely) pay a very high price. 

It might actually be too late, even if you withdrew the decision (which you seem unlikely to do), so civil war might be inevitable, as in Zimbabwe.(23) Your militant proxies such as EFF and BLF would not accept it, and going by your recent actions (or lack of them) you would not be willing to stand firm against them. By so doing you have placed minority groups and ordinary hard-working citizens of this country in the firing line.(24)


 Mr. President, on 23 April 1994 your government signed an accord with opposition party members which was witnessed by several high-ranking international observers. That agreement laid the foundation for self-determination for minority groups that later resulted in Article 235 of the South African Constitution, the supreme law of South Africa. South Africa is also bound by Article 1 of the International Covenant on Civil  and Political Rights and Article 20 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.

If, Mr. President, you are of the opinion that your government is somehow not bound by these agreements, please refer to Articles 231 and 233 of the South African Constitution that not only bind your government but also stipulate that the constitution must be interpreted according to international law.

Exhaustion of Internal Remedies

It is worth recalling that the transition of power in 1994 took place, not as a result of your winning a war, but rather because of the white minority group’s commitment to the creation of a free and just society. As such the representatives entered into various agreements with the ANC. You might also remember that in a historic special referendum, almost 70 percent of the white people voted in favour of continued negotiations with the ANC and other parties because they believed in the vision of a more just society under which all people would be treated justly and equally.

It was an extremely courageous act of faith in the democratic process which is unparalleled in African history, considering how many of the new post-1960 African nations had lapsed into tyranny, failed statehood and ruin.

Unfortunately the ANC did not abide by the agreements and understandings of the CODESA process, and ultimately minority groups initiated a dialogue for remedial action by way of separation.

In October 2011, as noted above, a letter was delivered by minority representatives to the Office of the President in Pretoria, requesting a dialogue on self-determination. It had no effect, and neither did no less than 10 other letters on the subject which were sent to the Office of the President.

On 30 November 2012 a formal complaint was lodged with the South African Human Rights Commission.  On the same date the United Nations (via Dr. Gostinho Zacarias) was informed of the intention to seek independence.

On 3 December 2012 another complaint was lodged with the South African Human Rights Commission.  On 29 August 2013 the HRC responded with a letter, signed by Chantal Kisoon, Provincial Manager Gauteng, stating that the complaint did not fall within the organisation’s mandate.

On 20 February 2015, your government’ State Attorney,  Mr. M.T. Matubatuba, gave recognition to our right to self-determination by saying: “Furthermore, the National Executive (including the President) are committed to upholding, defending and respecting the right of the South African people to self-determination as manifested in the constitution …”

Your failure even to acknowledge receipt of the letter dated 20 April 2015 and delivered to your office by our attorney, Mr. Paul Kruger, and an equal lack of response to the Afrikaner Society’s last letter, dated 13 December 2017 (Intention to Secede), is final proof to us and the international community that you and your government are not interested in a dialogue. What this means is that all internal remedies have been exhausted.

A Referendum on Independence to avert an inevitable civil war

This being the case, we have come to believe that the only remaining solution that could avert a civil war is a two-state political dispensation – exactly the same solution as the one that your government proposes for Israel and Palestine. If you believe it will work there, why should it not work in South Africa, which is far richer in resources, far more spacious and fertile, and far better equipped? Moreover, we have not reached a state of war as is the case in Israel / Palestine and hence there is even more likelihood of success.

A two-state solution would mark the end of the old South Africa, which was not a real nation at any time but a faulty and inequitable colonial construct, a unitary structure forced on us by the United Kingdom in 1910.  Our solution is to divide South Africa into two more or less equal-sized separate countries: 

 i) The United Cape and Trans-Oranje States (“Capeland”) a safe haven for the natural inhabitants of the nation’s minorities,  and 

ii) “Azania”, the fertile, well-watered and mineral-rich eastern portion (these are mere working titles, of course, to facilitate the discussion).

Figure 1: Proposed States of the United Cape and Trans Oranje States (Capeland)

Figure 1: Proposed States of the United Cape and Trans Oranje States (Capeland)

Capeland is fundamentally different from Azania. More than two-thirds of the inhabitants are from the minority groups, the vast majority speaking Afrikaans and English. Moreover, there is a growing and ever more vocal desire supporting a vision of a non-racial, free-enterprise nation that would be free of both the ANC government’s majoritarian oppression and the threat of becoming bogged down in the profit-motivated dictatorial Chinese “state capitalism” that is spreading through Southern Africa.

It should be noted that there would still be significant populations of our people in Azania after separation. But it is anticipated that most or all of these people would either migrate to Capeland once independence is achieved or take up citizenship, should Azania allow dual citizenship, something Capeland would certainly allow as we will represent a multicultural, non-racial society. 

You will agree that this is a more realistic outcome than an attempt by your ANC government to chase all “settlers” back to Europe, not to mention various other long-forgotten countries of origin; and (to use your own terminology) the departure of the “lackadaisical whites” will help to calm the growing “black anger” you claim to perceive among your supporters.

The two-state solution would solve, once and for all, the racial issues in South Africa. It represents a more than fair division of South Africa that is not only historically accurate but also reflects the reality of present-day demographics. In a nutshell, it is the only peaceful long-term solution still available. But the window of opportunity will not stay open indefinitely.

Referendum on Independence

Therefore we hereby formally request that a referendum be held – every bit as crucially important as the CODESA one – in which all citizens residing in the proposed “Capeland” states (see the addendum for States and Electoral Wards) to decide if their region should secede from South Africa and formally join the United Cape and Trans Oranje States.  

This referendum should be held no later than the last day of March 2019, those eligible to vote being citizens who have permanently resided in the various areas for at least four years prior to the referendum. This is to circumvent your regime’s current political intent to destabilise the Cape region by its “human wave’ strategy.

We expect to receive your favorable reply within 14 days from the date of this letter and look forward to establishing the ground rules for international monitoring to ensure a free and fair referendum, which it is hoped will lead to a peaceful separation and subsequent good and mutually beneficial relation between the two new nations.

Should you fail to respond with a favorable reply, we will assume that the last option of negotiations for a resolution has expired.

A final word

Mr. President, it may seem to you that this letter was written in anger. That is not so. It was written more in despair at your government’s inability or unwillingness to find an appropriate  permanent and equitable solution to a problem which is not going to go away unless the country’s minority groups are prepared to accept  a lifelong status of powerless second-class citizenship and perpetual scapegoating – which they are not. 

Therefore we have taken a stand on the rights embedded in our Constitution and the conventions of all civilised nations.  We are not asking for favours:  we are exercising our constitutional rights. 

There is no avarice in our hearts. We would not envy the riches to be found in the soil and climate of the proposed Azania. Your government would be welcome to them: we have enough to prosper by our own efforts. The two states would not be enemies – on the contrary, if goodwill and sound commonsense prevail, they will always work towards the combined benefit of both, in a spirit of peaceful and fruitful co-operation. 

So the ball is now in your court. There are no hidden agendas on our part:  our entire stock-in-trade is in our shop-window. We are not hide-bound by outdated ideological principles, nor are we dancing to any other country’s secret tune. But most of all, be warned that we will not give up our quest.  


Hein Marx (President) and Elroy Baron  (Vice President)


(1)Although the term “Bantu” has some negative connotations due to its usage during Apartheid, it is the academically correct and internationally accepted term for the large group of people who originated in the Niger-Congo area and migrated southwards through Africa. The Bantu peoples now inhabit most of sub-Saharan Africa and all speak related languages. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bantu_peoples

(2)Max Coleman, A Crime Against Humanity. Analysing the Repression of the Apartheid State, Johannesburg, 1998

Race Based Legislation during the Apartheid Years

1. Internal Security Act, 1982

2. Public Safety Act, 1953

3. Riotous Assemblies Act, 1930

4. Suppression of Communism Act, 1950

5. General Laws Amendment Act, 1962

6. Unlawful Organisations Act, 1960

7. Defence Act, 1967

8. Publications Act, 1963

9. Armaments Development and Production Act, 1968

10. Newspaper and Imprint Registration Act, 1971

11. Petroleum Products and the Nuclear Energy Act, 1977

12. Police Act, 1979

13. National Key Points Act, 1982

14. Protection of Information Act, 1982

15. Population Registration Act, 1950

16. Groups Area Act, 1957

17. Media Regulations Act, 1986

Total: 17 race-based laws

(3)Race Based and Collective punishment regulations and legislation by the current SA Government

Affirmative-Action and Black Economic Empowerment Legislation

  1. Employment Equity Act of 1998 (EEA)
  2. Preferential Procurement Policy Framework Act 5 of 2000
  3. Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Act 53 of 2003
  4. Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Amended Codes of Good Practices of 2013 Laws that favours the “Historically Disadvantaged”
  5. National Credit Act 34 of 2005
  6. Electronic Communications Security (Pty) Ltd Act 68 of 2002
  7. National Empowerment Fund Act 105 of 1998
  8. Housing Act 107 of 1997
  9. Competition Act 89 of 1998
  10. Correctional Services Act 111 of 1998
  11. Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act 28 of 2002
  12. Media Development and Diversity Agency Act 14 of 2002
  13. Petroleum Pipelines Act 60 of 2003
  14. Petroleum Products Act 120 of 1977 (as amended)
  15. Gas Act 48 of 2001
  16. Land and Agricultural Development Bank Act 15 of 2002
  17. Merchandise Marks Act 17 of 1941
  18. Marine Living Resources Act 18 of 1998
  19. Cross-Border Road Transport Act 4 of 1998
  20. National Gambling Act 7 of 2004
  21. National Sport and Recreation Act 110 of 1998
  22. Accreditation for Conformity Assessment, Calibration and Good Laboratory Practice Act 19 of 2006
  23. Adult Basic Education and Training Act 52 of 2000
  24. Advisory Board on Social Development Act 3 of 2001
  25. Africa Institute of South Africa Act 68 of 2001
  26. Architectural Profession Act 44 of 2000
  27. Auditing Profession Act 26 of 2005
  28. Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities Act 19 of 2002
  29. Community Schemes Ombud Service Act 9 of 2011
  30. Construction Industry Development Board Act 38 of 2000
  31. Council for the Built Environment Act 43 of 2000
  32. Cultural Institutions Act 119 of 1998
  33. Electronic Communications and Transactions Act 25 of 2002
  34. Employment Services Act 4 of 2004
  35. Engineering Profession Act 46 of 2000
  36. Financial Services Ombud Schemes Act 37 of 2004
  37. Firearms Control Act 60 of 2000
  38. Further Education and Training Colleges Act 16 of 2006
  39. General and Further Education and Training Quality Assurance Act 58 of 2001
  40. Higher Education Act 101 of 1997
  41. Housing Consumers Protection Measures Act 95 of 1998
  42. International Trade Administration Act 71 of 2002
  43. Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995
  44. Landscape Architectural Profession Act 45 of 2000
  45. Local Government Municipal Demarcation Act 27 of 1998
  46. Local Government: Municipal Property Rates Act 6 of 2004
  47. Measurement Units and Measurement Standards Act 18 of 2006
  48. National Council for Library and Information Services Act 6 of 2001
  49. National Development Agency Act 108 of 1998
  50. National Employment of Educators Act 76 of 1998
  51. National Energy Regulator Act 40 of 2004
  52. National Film and Video Foundation Act 73 of 1997
  53. National Health Laboratory Service Act 37 of 2000
  54. National Heritage Council Act 11 of 1999
  55. National Heritage Resources Act 25 of 1999
  56. National Qualifications Framework Act 67 of 2008
  57. National Small Enterprise Act 102 of 1996
  58. National Student Financial Aid Scheme Act 56 of 1999
  59. National Youth Commission Act 19 of 1996
  60. Natural Scientific Professions Act 27 of 2003
  61. Planning Professions Act 36 of 2002
  62. Project and Construction Management Professions Act 48 of 2000
  63. Property Valuers Profession Act 47 of 2000
  64. Quantity Surveying Profession Act 49 of 2000
  65. South African Council for Educators Act 31 of 2000
  66. South African Geographical Names Council Act 118 of 1998
  67. South African National Space Agency Act 36 of 2008
  68. South African Postbank Limited Act 9 of 2010
  69. South African Weather Service Act 8 of 2001
  70. Special Economic Zones Act 16 of 2014 
  71. State Information Technology Agency Act 88 of 1998
  72. Tourism Act 3 of 2014
  73. South African Post Office Soc Ltd Act 22 of 2011
  74. National Ports Act 12 of 2005
  75. World Heritage Convention Act 49 of 1999
  76. Broadcasting Act 4 of 1999
  77. Infrastructure Development Act 23 of 2014
  78. Land Reform: Provision of Land and Assistance Act 126 of 1993
  79. Spatial Planning and Land Use Management Act 16 of 2013
  80. National Environmental Management Act 107 of 1998
  81. Legal Practice Act 28 of 2014 
  82. Private Security Industry Regulation Act 56 of 2001
  83. Rental Housing Act 50 of 1999
  84. National Forests Act 84 of 1998
  85. National Arts Council Act 56 of 1997
  86. Industrial Development Corporation Act 22 of 1940 (as amended)
  87. Electronic Communications Act 36 of 2005
  88. Postal Services Act 124 of 1998
  89. Construction Industry Development Board Act 38 of 2000
  90. Development Facilitation Act 67 of 1995
  91. Skills Development Act 97 of 1998
  92. Protection of Personal Information Act 4 of 2013 (section 47 (3)(a))
  93. Older Persons Act 13 of 2006
  94. Restitution of Land Rights Act 22 of 1994
  95. Close Corporations Act 69 of 1984
  96. Adult Education and Training Act 52 of 2000
  97. Regulations to Provide for the Establishment, Composition and Functioning of the National Advisory Board for Adult Basic Education and Training
  98. Amendment of the Broad-Based Socio-Economic Empowerment Charter for the South African Mining and Minerals Industry – Gn 838/2010 enacted in terms of the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act
  99. Non-Profit Organisations Act 71 of 1997 (Regulations Under Section 26)
  100. Regulations in terms of the Petroleum Pipelines Act 2003 – Gn R342/2008 (Petroleum Pipelines Act 60 of 2003)
  101. Regulations Relating to Sheriffs, 1990 in terms of the Sheriffs Act 90 of 1986
  102. Regulations for Prevention of and Treatment for Substance Abuse, 2013 – Gen N 283/2013 in terms of the Prevention of And Treatment for Substance Abuse Act 70 of 2008
  103. Regulations Regarding Petroleum Products Wholesale Licences – Gn R287/2006 in terms of the Petroleum Products Act 120 of 1977
  104. South African Police Service Act 68 of 1995 – Regulations for the South African Police Service – Employment Regulations
  105. Intelligence Services Act 65 of 2002 – Intelligence Services Regulations, 2003
  106. Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act 28 of 2002 – Codes of Good Practice for the Minerals Industry
  107. Policy Directions Issued by Minister of Communications - Gen N 1756/2001 (Telecommunications Act 103 of 1996) Economic Empowerment of Persons from Historically Disadvantaged Groups
  108. Health Professions Act 56 of 1974 – Regulations Relating to the Constitution of the Professional Board for Optometry and Dispensing Opticians. 
  109. Establishment of Statutory Measure and Determination of Levies on Dried Fruit – Gn 893/2012 (Marketing of Agricultural Products Act 47 of 1996)
  110. 2010 FIFA World Cup South Africa Liquor Regulations, 2010 – Gn R425/2010 (Liquor Act 59 of 2003)                             Laws that require racial registration
  111. Independent Broadcasting Authority Television Broadcasting Service Records Regulations, 1998 – R1226/98 enacted in terms of the Independent Broadcasting Authority Act 153 of 1993
  112. Proclamation No. 103 of 1994 to the Public Service Act
  113. Independent Broadcasting Authority Act
  114. Home Loan and Mortgage Disclosure Regulations, 2007 – Gen N 842/2007 in terms of the Home Loan and Mortgage Disclosure Act 63 of 2000

Total: 114 race-based laws and regulations

Compiled by Marieke Roos, currently employed by the EU in Belgium , previously lecturer in law studies (LLB and Diploma in Law), University of Johannesburg, LLD in International law, University of Johannesburg, LLM in International law (cum laude) 2013, University of Kent, Canterbury, UK, LLB in International  law (cum laude) 2011, The Hague University, Den Haag, previously served at the Constitutional court of South Africa, under Honourable Justice 


(5) https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2013-10-21-employment-equity-not-a-black-and-white-issue/





(10) https://www.sowetanlive.co.za/news/south-africa/2018-03-11-ramaphosa-and-mabuza-to-malema-come-back-home/






(16) https://www.cnbcafrica.com/apo/2018/09/04/china-is-loaning-billions-of-dollars-to-african-countries-heres-why-the-u-s-should-be-worried/

(17) https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-07-24/south-africa-agrees-14-7-billion-of-investments-from-china


(19) http://politicsweb.co.za/documents/what-the-expropriation-of-akkerland-boerdery-is-re

(20) https://www.fin24.com/Economy/row-over-land-set-aside-for-chinese-20180518

(21) https://www.gov.za/sites/default/files/gcis_document/201812/42127gon1409s.pdf

(22) https://www.news.com.au/finance/economy/world-economy/south-africas-ruling-party-to-amend-constitution-to-allow-for-land-seizures/news-story/e2817dd887abefd6cf90969f4b05e280

(23) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Land_reform_in_Zimbabwe#Fast-track_land_reform_and_violence

(24) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MSTmG1Q0_6M

Addendum for States and Electoral Wards

Download for the list of wards earmarked for independence that will participate in the referendum.

addendum for states and electoral wards (pdf)